Deontological theories of conduct
So let's look next at some theories of conduct which can and do advocate respect for rights. I mean deontological theories of conduct. Here is a definition:
A theory is a deontological theory of conduct iff it says that what we ought to do is governed by rules stating what our duties are, regardless of the consequences of our actions are.
So, for example, the reason that we should not lie is that there is rule, very vaguely stated as, "Do not lie." And this rule gives us a duty not to lie; and even if telling the truth has awful consequences, that's just too bad. Sometimes telling the truth, and doing your duty, hurts. That's life. So says the deontologist.
Now, as a deontologist, you don't have be entirely naïve. You don't have to say, for example, that you should never lie, ever. Maybe your rule would be more complicated than that. I mean, if the stormtroopers are knocking on your door, and you're harboring some enemy of a totalitarian government, are you going to rat on the refugees? No; definitely not. So you might change the rule that you follow to something like this: "Do not lie, except to those who would use the truth to do great evils." And surely there are exceptions to this rule, too. So you'd have to go to work, I suppose, coming up with a set of rules, or laws, that govern behavior. And your rules would probably be fairly complicated. That's not surprising though; just think about how you live your life, and what you learn. You can think of wisdom in the art of living as a sort of tacit understanding of all the little complications that need to be added to the rules of right living.
Now, unfortunately, we aren't going to be able to go into deontological theories of conduct in any detail. If we did, we would try to come to grips with Kant's moral theory; Kant is a very famous, very influential German philosopher of the late 18th century, and his theory of the best examples of the deontological theory out there. He had one catch-all rule, the Categorical Imperative, from which we were supposed to be able to derive all the other rules that we'd need to have in order to know what we ought to do. You can find more about this in the reading from Hospers. We can't get into that.
What I want to focus on is what the deontological theory can say about rights and justice. The basic idea should be pretty clear. Since what we ought to do depends on following certain rules, that state our duties, then there is bound to be a rule to the effect that we should not convict and sentence people we know to be innocent. That is what makes it wrong to make the tramp a scapegoat. And that rule also is, in part, what the deontologist would say gives us a right to due process. And the fact that that right is violated is what makes the sheriff's act unjust.
There is also bound to be a rule to the effect that we should not kill people except in self-defense and in the legitimate administration of justice. That is what makes it wrong for the doctors to kill you. That rule is also what gives you the right to life. And it's because you have that right, that it is unjust for the doctors to kill you.
I think you probably get the general idea, but let me try to state it clearly. There are certain rules that state how we ought to treat each other. Some of those rules give us rights. And the violation of those rights is what we call injustice. Accordingly, the condition of justice is the condition in which one's rights are not violated. So as you can see, it looks pretty straightforward just how the deontological theory tries to justify our claims to having rights, and that justice must prevail.
I don't know about you, but I think there's something kind of fishy going on here. The deontologist just seems to have made the whole task of defending rights way too easy. Well, you want a right? We'll give you a right -- just make up a rule! You might reply, "We can't just make up any old rules, and say that we have just any old rights." And I agree, we can't. So, out of the gazillions of rules that are conceivable, how do we decide which rules are the ones that we ought to follow?
Let's get an example on the table, and I think you'll be able to see the problem more easily. Suppose we want to say, "Do not kill others except in self-defense and as part of the legitimate administration of justice." The deontologist says that that's the rule that gives us a right to life. And the rule looks pretty much correct, I think. But why is it correct? What if someone disagreed with us: how could we convince him, or her, that it is correct? See here, we're doing philosophy and in philosophy, we require arguments for our views. So if, in formulating the deontological theory of conduct, we wind stating a rule, then by god, we'd better be prepared to give an argument that we should all follow that rule. It's very fine and well to lay down the law. You can do that without giving arguments, if you're a parent giving rules to your children. But you can't do that if you're a philosopher trying to convince other philosophers of something. It might sound impressive to declare something a "rule" or a "moral law," but just putting the name "rule" on it doesn't make it automatically correct.
It turns out that this is actually an uncomfortable problem for deontologists. It's one thing they don't like to be pressed on too hard. So let's look briefly at a few of the sorts of arguments that deontologists give to support these rules of conduct.
One way is Kant's way, as I was saying before. He thought that we could derive individual rule from one overarching rule, the Categorical Imperative. The Categorical Imperative reads: "So act that you could wish the maxim of your action to become a universal law of human conduct." I'm not going to discuss this and I don't expect you understand it, unless you've done the reading. For our purposes, suffice it to say that the Categorical Imperative just doesn't allow any easy, straightforward way to derive particular rules. It doesn't perform as advertized. For more on that, please see the reading.
A second way that deontologists try to support individual rules is by saying that we know they are true by some sort of moral intuition, or moral sense. You should remember this from our discussion of meta-ethics; we said then that there are some people who think that goodness is a non-natural property, which we can detect through this faculty of moral intuition. We're just presented with a situation, like the scapegoat situation, and we can just understand that some things are good and others are bad; and we just know, by this faculty of intuition, that certain actions are right and others are wrong.
Before criticizing this second way, let's look at a third way, which is very similar to it. So this third way that deontologists try to support individual rules is by saying that they are part of a larger system of natural law. Halverson in our readings for today presents this sort of view. The basic idea is this. There is a huge system of rules, or laws, which we might discover, that regulate how we should treat each other; and these rules we call a system of "natural law." Among the rules would be the aforementioned rule, "Do not kill others except in self-defense and as part of the legitimate administration of justice." Another rule would be: "Do not deprive others of their property except through due process of law." So you put all such rules together, and you have a system of obligations and permissions which gives us our rights, and which states what justice is.
Now, there's an obvious criticism to be made both of the moral intuition defense of rules of conduct, and of the natural law defense. And the criticism is actually just to ask the same question over again, that we started with. Namely, how do you know that these rules are correct? You can say that you have some "moral intuition" that they're correct. That's not an argument, though. And similarly, you can say that some rule is part of an enormous body of natural law. But again, that's not an argument either! Honestly, how do you know that a given rule is part of natural law? That's the whole problem, an enormous problem, and it looks like moral intuitionism, and the natural law theory, by themselves, just want to sidestep the problem.
And this problem for the natural law theory isn't just a theoretical problem -- it's also serious practical problem. Let me explain. I want to call your attention to something in our reading from Halverson, on p. 161 of the packet. Halverson used to be an Ohio State professor, believe it or not. I quote: "Many laws that are in force in most of the civilized nations of the world can be justified only by an appeal to natural law. Consider, for example, the practice of homosexuality. It cannot be reasonably argued that homosexual acts between consenting adults are in any way harmful to the community. It therefore is not necessary for the community to protect itself by prohibiting such acts. Yet such acts are commonly prohibited by law. [Remember, this is an older textbook.] On what grounds? On the grounds that such acts are wrong, immoral, contrary to the consciences of most men perceive as being good and right [notice the reference to something like the moral sense theory here] -- contrary, that is, to natural law."
So there you have it. Homosexuality is wrong, and immoral. On what grounds? That it's to natural law. Well are you convinced? Is that enough of an argument for you? Well of course not. This is just ridiculous. To say that something is "contrary to natural law" appears to be no more than to say, "It's against my current beliefs, even if they happen to be little more than mere prejudices."
I hope it's beginning to be clear to you why I say it's a practical problem, that natural law theorists do not say why moral rules are part of natural law. It's a practical problem because natural law theorists can, if they want to, just declare that some practices that they don't approve of, like homosexuality, are against "natural law." And then they can and have passed actual laws restricting such activity, which laws they try to justify by saying it's against this bogus "natural law."
So to summarize. The deontological theory of conduct tries to give a justification for rights. How? By saying that our rights are given by certain moral rules, like "Don't murder," and "Don't steal." But then we have to ask: How do we know that we ought to follow those rules? Or more simply: How do we know that those rules are correct? The moral intuitionist says that we intuit that they are correct; the natural law theorist says that the rules are part of natural law. But neither of these claims really answers the question at all. Or to put it differently, I could, for all they've said, claim that the following rule is correct: "Murder and steal when it's convenient to do so." And I've got a right to murder and steal. Why do I say that? I simply intuit it. Or I claim: "That's a matter of natural law. It's part of natural law that I should murder and steal when it's convenient for me to do so!"
But what about Kant's theory, which we never got around to stating in any depth? Now all that I said about it was: "The Categorical Imperative just doesn't allow any easy, straightforward way to derive particular rules. It doesn't perform as advertized." If you're at all interested in defending a deontological theory of conduct, you certainly shouldn't take my word for it. You should actually study what Kant has to say; you'd do that if you took a class in ethical theory. Again, we don't have time for it.
What we do have time for, though, is a more general argument against all deontological theories of conduct. This general argument is from a consequentialist point of view. Let me summarize this argument in advance, as follows. One simply cannot adequately justify most, if not all, rules of conduct without reference to the consequences, the results, of following the rules. Deontology -- deontological theories of conduct -- says that whether we ought to take an action does not depend on the consequences of the action; it depends only on whether the action follows a correct moral rule. That's all that matters, not the consequences. But if, in order to justify the rule, we have to have reference to the consequences of following the rule, then deontology is wrong. Because ultimately then, whether we ought to take an action does depend on the consequences of the action -- or at least, it depends on consequences of following the rule of your action. All right, I don't expect you to get this argument on the first pass, so let's go over it more carefully.
The most important premise here is the first one. Here it is again: One cannot adequately justify most, if not all, rules of conduct without reference to the consequences, the results, of following the rules. In other words, my claim is that you have to talk about the consequences of following rules in order to justify the rules. That doesn't mean that the consequences are the only things that justify the rules; but it does mean that you can't ignore the consequences of following rules, if you want to justify them. Now, why do I say that?
Well, just take any rule of conduct at all, that you think is correct. Such as: "Do not murder." According to the deontologist, we could justify such a rule without talking about the consequences of murdering people. But if you think about it, that's an amazing claim. How on earth could they establish that we ought not to murder, without talking about the consequences of murder? I mean, just look at what murder does accomplish: it ends human life; it brings terrible grief and other hardship to the family and friends of the murder victim; and it contributes the breakdown of trust that would otherwise exist among well-meaning, honest strangers in our society. Now, the deontologist appears to claim that we could somehow show, or account for, the wrongness of murder without talking about all those terrible things that murder accomplishes. That's surely just impossible. I mean, suppose that murder did not cause grief, hardship, or any sort of breakdown in trust between people. And all it did was end a human life -- not unlike squashing an ant, I guess. I don't know if you can imagine killing a human being as being like that. But if you can imagine that, then ask yourself: would murder be regarded with as much horror as it is now? Clearly not. Clearly the reason that murder is regarded as the great evil that it is, is at least in part due to the fact that murder can wreak such devastation on human society. When we talk about an action's causing devastation in human society, we're talking about the consequences of the action.
So the point is, in order to state what the actual justifications that our actual moral rules have, we have to look at the consequences of following, and not following, the rules. Suppose you wants to reply to this, as follows. "Well OK. So consequences are necessary to consider when we justify moral rules. It's just that they are only one consideration among others. There are other reasons why we have the duties we do, other reasons besides the bad consequences of not doing our duty."
Now, if you want to say that, then it seems to me you're talking about a version of deontological ethics that is so watered-down that it really can't be called a version of deontological ethics at all. Really what it is, is another hybrid theory, but in this case, instead of combining egoism and utilitarianism, to get some middle-ground version of consequentialism, you're combining consequentialism and deontological ethics. And with this new hybrid theory, you're saying: What makes a moral rule correct isn't just the consequences of following the rule -- there's more to it than that -- but the justification for the rule does include some reference to consequences.
Now, if this is what you think, then I've got a challenge for you. What else is there to consider whenever you want to justify a rule of conduct, besides the consequences that following, or adopting, the rule ultimately has? Is there anything else we could use to justify a rule? Besides consequences, ultimately?
I'm not going to pretend that there's nothing else. One thing that ethicists have pointed out is that good motives do, sometimes, make actions right or wrong. If I do the right thing for the wrong reason, I've done something wrong. Without getting into that at any length, let me just say what the obvious question is going to be: What, after all, makes a good motive good? If I have a nice intention, to treat you fairly, then what makes that intention nice? I suppose that you will have to talk about the typical consequences of my nice intention.
Let me remind you where we are. We are just winding up our criticism of deontological theories of conduct. The criticism I just gave is this: that the deontologist has to talk about the consequences of following rules, in order to justify the claim that we ought to follow the rules. And it's not at all clear what else, ultimately, could be used to justify a rule besides its consequences. Now this leads directly into the next, and final, theory of conduct, which is called rule consequentialism.
Rule consequentialism
As I mentioned before -- I don't expect you to recall this, but it's good if you do -- distinguish rule consequentialism from act consequentialism. What's the difference? Let me present definitions of both terms and then you'll be able to see it more easily:
Act consequentialism is the view that whether we ought to take individual acts depends on the (good or bad) consequences of those acts.
Rule consequentialism is the view that (1) whether we ought to take individual acts depends on whether the acts follows a correct set of moral rules; and (2) whether a given rule is correct or not depends on the (good or bad) consequences of everyone adopting the rule.
So act consequentialism says we should judge individual acts as right or wrong, based on their consequences. Rule consequentialism, by contrast, says that we should adopt rules based on the consequences of adopting the rules; and then we use the rules we've adopted to determine whether we should take given actions or not. More briefly: act consequentialism says to judge acts based on their consequences; rule consequentialism says to judge rules based on their consequences.
So rule consequentialism is an interesting sort of hybrid between act consequentialism and deontological theories. Like act consequentialism, it says that actions are ultimately to be judged based on consequences; and like deontological theories, it says that individual acts are to be judged based on whether they follow rules that state our moral duties. So you might say that it combines some good features of both types of moral theory we've looked at so far.
Now remember our topic for today is justice, and we are looking at these moral theories in order to see whether they can give us a way to solve the problem of justice. How can we morally justify claims that we have rights, or that we deserve to be treated justly? So let's see how the rule consequentialist might try to deal with the problem of justice. How can the rule consequentialist justify the claim that we have a right to life, for example?
Well, recall a rule we stated before: Do not kill others except in self-defense and as part of the legitimate administration of justice. The rule consequentialist could say that we should adopt that rule, and the fact that rule is correct is what gives us a right to life. Because really, that's what it means to say that I have a right to life: namely, that if someone kills me, except in self-defense or after due process of law, then this rule against such killing has been violated, and my killer has done something gravely morally wrong. It's the fact that that rule is in place that gives me a right to life; and part of justice is, of course, to respect that right that I have.
Now so far, I haven't said anything that the deontologist hasn't already said. And remember our question for the deontologist: why should adopt rules like this? Of course, that same has to be asked now; if we don't answer that question, then we haven't solved the problem of justice.
Rule consequentialism says that whether a rule like the one that we just stated is correct or not depends on the good or bad consequences of adopting the rule. So then we consider: on the whole, would it be better, would there be more goodness in the world, if we adopted this rule against needless killing? Sure! If everyone recognized this rule, if everyone agreed that it was wrong to kill needlessly, then the world would be a much nicer place indeed, than it would be if no one or only some people adopted the rule. So that's how we justify the rules that give us rights, and that establish justice: we say that adopting those rules is greatly beneficial to us all.
Well then, why not adopt the following rule too? -- "Make scapegoats out of tramps when convenient and when it can be covered up well enough." Adopting that rule very definitely would violate the rights of tramps. We don't want to do that. But if everyone did adopt that rule, wouldn't that make life for everyone (well, everyone except the tramps) better? If adopting that rule would make life for everyone better, then rule consequentialism would say: adopt the rule! And then we'd have the rule consequentialist saying that it's OK, it's even morally obligatory, to violate the rights of tramps! We even have a rule saying that we ought to do so!
Now I think that the rule consequentialist can defend himself here. I am partial to rule consequentialism myself, so I will step in and defend the theory against this criticism. Here's how I propose to do it. Clearly, I have to have some argument that adopting the rule that says to make scapegoats out of tramps would make life actually worse for everyone. I'd have to have some way to argue that adopting that rule would have lots of dangerous consequences.
If you ask me, that doesn't seem like too tall of an order. It just requires a little common-sense understanding of human nature, and what is likely to happen if people actually do adopt that rule. Life, basically, becomes cheap to all the non-tramps. If we ordinary folks go around thinking that the official word is that unloading our problems onto tramps is OK, that's going to make us behave bad toward other people, besides tramps. After all, if tramps are dispensable, then why not the mentally ill? Why not people of very low intelligence? And if we start treating those people as dispensable, then why not people that we have deep political disagreements with? Or deep religious disagreements? Why not people who are simply critical of us? You see where I'm going with this. If a rule like the rule that says it's OK to make scapegoats out of tramps is adopted, then given what we know about human nature, that has all sorts of consequences for other rules that people will, in fact, decide to adopt. If one rule that we adopt makes life cheap, then why should we expect people to stop there?
I think you can look at totalitarian Communist regimes, such as those of Lenin and Stalin, as excellent examples of the consequences of this. They adopt one rule, that it is all right to revoke the rights of capitalists and dissenters; and consequently, all sorts of rights, of all sorts of people, were regularly and institutionally infringed in Soviet Russia.
This is why some people very strenuously insist that our rights, or at least some rights, are absolute and government must not be allowed to infringe them at all. Let me try to pick a non-partisan example -- actually that's kind of hard, but what about the right to free speech on the Internet? Remember when Congress passed, and the President signed, a law that actually tried to restrict our ability to cuss online. To hell with that, I say! I'll cuss online all I want; government should try to restrict that! But look, the reason that people feel strongly about this isn't that they think it's really important that they be able to cuss online. It's not that by itself which makes opposition to such measures important. What makes it important is that, to put it bluntly, give them an inch and they'll take a mile. And I don't just mean the government. I mean people in general. If people, such as the American people, come to accept that the government ought to restrict free speech in one place, then they've in fact adopted a certain rule of conduct (for government, in this case). And the point is that can have, and historically has had, all sorts of bad consequences for what else will seem permissible to the people for the government to do.
But here I'm just picking on the government. The exact same point can be validly made about other areas of life. Indeed, it can be made about rules of moral conduct that apply to individuals at home, not interacting with other people at all. For example, suppose you adopt a rule: Do your homework before you watch television. (You might have seen a comic strip about this in the Dispatch the other day.) But then you consider another rule: Do your homework before you watch television, unless "Friends" is on. You reason to yourself, as a good egoist: "My happiness would be maximized if I followed this rule. Not only would my homework get done, but I'd get to see my favorite TV show, and doing that wouldn't keep me from getting my homework. I mean after all, it's only a half-hour program." But if you reason to yourself this way, you're failing to take something important into consideration. Namely, what is the effect of your changing your rule, and allow the exception, in fact, going to be? In fact, what happens with all but the most disciplined people is that they end up allowing more and more exceptions, until they have basically gotten rid of their rule entirely.
And in my opinion, if you'll allow me to ascend my soapbox, that's exactly the direction that society has gone in. We do, perhaps, evaluate our moral rules according to their consequences; but what we fail to take account of is the consequences of making our moral rules lax, in particular, the consequences for the other rules that we adopt. This is how a breakdown in morals, in an individual, and a breakdown in respect for rights and justice, in a society, occurs. You try to justify an exception to a perfectly useful, reasonable rule; and the exception itself seems perfectly useful and reasonable; but allowing for the exception has the result of undermining your ability to resist making further exceptions. And at the bottom of this slippery slope is the muck of immorality and injustice.
So let's get back to the point. I presented rule consequentialism and then I asked: How can rule consequentialism justify those rules which give us our rights? How does it solve the problem of justice? The immediate reply is to say: individual rules are justified by to the fact that they maximize the amount of goodness in the world. But then there's the challenge: Why can't we adopt rules that say that we ought to do unjust things, like making scapegoats out of tramps? Why doesn't that maximize goodness? Now what I just got done giving you, from atop my soapbox, is an explanation for why making scapegoats out of tramps doesn't maximize goodness. Why not? Again, it's because when we make exceptions to our the general rules that state our rights, given our experience with human nature, we know that we've started down a slippery slope, and the ultimate results are that respect for rights in general is undermined. And a low respect for rights in general has way worse consequences than disallowing our sheriffs to make scapegoats out of tramps.
It's something like this whole story I've been spinning out that has, in my opinion, the best chance of explaining and justifying why we think we have inviolable rights, and why justice ought to be upheld. I think I'd have explain it a lot more, and answer some more objections, before we could say that it was a really comprehensive, compelling solution to the problem of justice. But at least you have the outlines of a solution.
Well, that's it for our discussion of ethics per se. As we've seen, ethics overlaps quite a bit, at least when talking about rights and justice, with political philosophy. The next item on our plate is political philosophy itself. I want to make a transition to that topic, however, and tie what we've been talking about, as regards rights and justice, into a discussion of the necessity of government.
Suppose we had a lot more time than we have had to talk about ethics. And we sat around and hashed things out in great detail, and talked about a lot of other theories of justice. Then suppose you decide, after all that careful work, that as it turns out, rule consequentialism -- perhaps a rule version of hybrid consequentialism -- is the correct theory of conduct. So now you're convinced you know what, in general, you ought to do; and you think you've given a philosophical justification for your theory of what you ought to do.
But isn't it possible that even after all of that, someone might still not care? Isn't it quite possible that someone -- if not you, then someone else -- might say, in private, "Sure I know what I ought to do. But I don't care what I should do. Morality is for chumps. I'll violate your rights any day if it's to my advantage and I can get away with it. I'm perfectly happy being totally unjust." Now you know that there are people in the world just like that. You have probably met some, or at least, you certainly know that they exist. You can't reason those people into being good eggs; they're bad eggs, they'll take advantage of you and there isn't a whole lot that you can do about it except to protect yourself.
The long and short of it is that this is why government is necessary. You could as it were take the law into your own hands, and see to it personally that others do not violate your rights; but if everyone did that, we would have a state of anarchy. It's better, for various reasons, that you leave the administration of justice and punishment up to a legitimate government. The institution of government is necessary, I think, and I think most of you will agree with me about that.